Corps de l’article

The family is generally the place where young children first begin to socialize, learn, and adopt the values and practices of their culture. Thus, it is desirable to encourage competence in environmental action within the family setting, in order to tackle contemporary challenges, such as climate change (Agundez-Rodriguez et Sauvé, 2022), at the grass roots level. However, little has been said about the place and role of families in citizenship education (see Revue internationale de l’éducation familiale, issue 41, 2017 ), let alone the relationship between family and eco-citizenship . This issue of Enfances Familles Générations is titled “Family and Eco-citizenship” as its focus is to shed light on this relationship through the contributions of five articles.

Eco-citizenship is a concept rooted in a democratic vision of environmental action. More specifically, it is based on the relationship of citizens to the environment, and on the environmental impact of their daily actions and those of their society. Humans have a responsibility to safeguard the natural environment (Sauvé et al. , 2017) and to respect all societies and populations, including future generations. Considering the potential impacts of our actions, values and political allegiances encourages us to adopt an attitude of humility and respect for nature and for the other human beings who share the planet with us. For Séguin et al. (2005 : 21), “eco-citizenship is a way of understanding reality, of targeting specific problems and issues”. However, the duties of an eco-citizen extend beyond considering the consequences of their own actions. Eco-citizenship also involves participating in democratic decision-making processes, contributing to raising awareness among other citizens, questioning certain individual, economic or state practices, and even promoting alternative societal and cultural models that are more respectful of nature and social needs (Harribey, 2021).

The issue of eco-citizenship in a family context is important, as Léger and Pruneau point out (2012; 2015), not only because families are instrumental in shaping habits, but also because households are responsible for almost two-thirds of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions (Ginsburger, 2020). To minimize environmental impacts, it is essential to understand which habits and behaviors families should be encouraged to change. However, the various social contexts that prevent some families from reducing their impacts must also be taken into account. Where people live, the availability of community services and family income are some of the social factors that influence the adoption of eco-citizen practices.

A number of theoretical approaches offer ways to understand how these changes can be effected (Léger et Pruneau, 2015). Examples include Ajzen’s Theory of Planned Behaviour (1991), Prochaska and DiClemente’s transtheoretical model (1992), and Jensen and Schnack’s Action Competence Approach (2006). Various disciplines also provide theoretical tools to understand behavioral change, such as the systems theory used by Salem (2005) in his analysis of families as open and balanced systems.

In this issue, the links between eco-citizenship and families are explored in a variety of ways by authors who deal with one or more of the following themes: 1. Eco-citizenship and the transformation of family dynamics; 2. Engaging children and youth in environmental action; 3. The role of institutions, programs and policies in developing eco-citizenship.

Eco-citizenship and the transformation of family dynamics

One of the primary objectives of this issue is to understand the transformations in family dynamics that occur when the values and practices of eco-citizenship are adopted. This is centered on an analysis of practices and lifestyle habits, as well as the values of eco-citizenship, which are transmitted within families. According to Martinez et al. (2020), family discussions of social and environmental issues, such as the impacts of climate change, increase the chances of a child becoming a more environmentally committed citizen. Intergenerational learning, where the child acts as a source of information and encourages their family to practice eco-citizenship, is also effective (Ballantyne et al ., 2001). However, this phenomenon needs to be better understood and studied (Williams et al ., 2017), particularly by taking into account family dynamics and the larger socio-political environment. What practices or lifestyle changes are necessary before eco-citizenship can be implemented? To put it differently, how does commitment to the environment affect families?

Three contributions in this issue are primarily focused on the aspect of changing practices. The article by Dominique Morin, Bruno Bourliaguet, Hubert Armstrong and Marie-Andrée Leduc and the article by Justine Langlois and Virginie Loizeau highlight energy-efficient practices. Morin and his colleagues carried out an online survey using a sample of Hydro-Québec subscribers on their distributed electricity consumption practices. The survey demonstrates the positive and satisfactory results of the eco-actions taken by the respondents. However, seniors (ages 65 and over) are more likely to say they “already do enough for the environment,” a response that is less common among 18-34 year-olds and parents of preschool children. Morin and his colleagues state that “[t]his self-assessment [by the group made up of the most recent generations and young families] is less positive, which suggests that as eco-citizens they are not as active as they would like to be, possibly because their generation has higher ideals” (paragraph 21). Another explanation could be their socioeconomic context that is characterized by a more challenging work/study/family balance. Juggling family life with work or studies involves an arrangement of “free” time that can limit the ability to change daily practices.

Langlois presents findings that reinforce the role that the family plays in the transmission of environmentally responsible practices across several generations. This involves adopting habits that conserve energy, but also believing that even small gestures can help to instill eco-citizen values in children and to transform society. Loizeau’s article analyzes practices in families that have at least one child with a respiratory disease. She discusses ecological practices that are sometimes prompted by recommendations for the care of the child, such as avoiding “volatile organic compounds in coating materials and furniture (glues used in flooring, for example)” (paragraph 46), as they may irritate the bronchi of children with cystic fibrosis. On the other hand, some of the recommendations made by care teams lead to practices that have a negative impact on the environment, such as frequently washing the house, excessive toilet flushing or doing laundry with hot water. Loizeau observes the tensions within some families between reconciling eco-citizen values and recommendations for their child’s health.

Lalanne and Lapeyre (2009) describe how changing practices to adopt more environmentally-friendly lifestyles can lead to additional domestic work, with women bearing the heaviest burden. As Loizeau and Langlois point out in their articles, it is women (and mothers in particular) who play a leading role in transmitting environmental values, habits and practices (Langlois), but also in the domestic work associated with care giving (Loizeau), which can have positive or negative impacts on the environment. Women also tend to be more active in supporting political and institutional change (Grégoire-Labrecque).

Are the changes in practices and lifestyles demanded by eco-citizenship likely to cause family conflicts? The articles by Geneviève Grégoire-Labrecque, Sophie Nemoz and Justine Langlois report on just such conflicts and tensions within families. According to the authors’ findings, these arise when parents react negatively to some of their children’s requests or criticisms (e.g. to stop buying plastic water bottles). The article by Langlois shows conflicts and negotiations among household members caused by their different energy efficiency practices. For example, these conflicts may concern the temperature levels of common rooms and certain personal hygiene habits (e.g. showers). Langlois notes that “in observing how norms and meanings around practices are negotiated , we can see that resolving energy-related tensions and conflicts ultimately contributes to the construction of the family and the couple, as together they establish rules for daily life and ways to share in the community of practices” (paragraph 38).

The five articles in this issue focus on how small daily acts can transmit eco-citizen values. These acts have often been passed down through several generations (e.g. reducing energy consumption, gardening, housekeeping practices) and cannot always be linked explicitly to an intention to reduce the environmental impacts of the household. Langlois emphasizes that it is important to consider social norms outside the household concerning good practices, the image of a “good parent” (paragraph 49) and the workplace context in the ability of families to adopt eco-citizen actions. Families determine the values and practices they want to implement and their ability to affect structural changes through negotiations with their members. Fostering family dynamics can thus lead to a growing awareness of eco-citizenship.

Engaging children and youth in environmental action

The second theme of this issue relates specifically to engaging children and young people in environmental action. Research has shown that children have a keen interest in protecting the natural environment and in socio-environmental issues (Blanchet-Cohen et Di Mambro, 2016 ; Grasso, 2016). Children often encourage their families to reduce their ecological footprint, especially in terms of energy consumption (Léger et Martin, 2020). From this perspective, in what ways and within what social and family contexts are young people driving change within families? The Fridays for Future movement has attracted children and adolescents from around the world since 2018. Are these young people vectors of eco-citizen values, the drivers of new family practices (decarbonization of travel, vegetarianism and veganism, environmentally responsible purchasing, etc.) and public and political commitment (community involvement, pressure on political authorities, etc.)? Or are they themselves the products of a system yet to be defined?

The contributions of Grégoire-Labrecque and Nemoz focus on the engagement of young people and children. According to Grégoire-Labrecque’s study, many teenagers have been instrumental in raising awareness among their families, despite their lack of political power. Even if the family is open to changing practices, it is the adults who make the decisions about food choices and ways of altering consumption habits. Like Grégoire-Labrecque, Nemoz points out that the status of children and adolescents makes it difficult for their requests and eco-citizen projects to be taken seriously:

The engagement [of children] in environmental issues within public decision-making processes … is little recognized, regardless of the family, school or political institutions studied locally. Not only is it illegal for minors to vote, but many social norms keep them locked in a stratum of society (Riley et al., 1972) and an investigation into the processes by which eco-citizenship is constructed does not lead to radical emancipation (Nemoz, 2023: paragraph 38).

Even when family members support the projects and demands of children and young people, other societal factors, such as property owners, (see articles by Grégoire-Labrecque and Langlois) or institutions such as schools or school service centres (Grégoire-Labrecque) may impose additional restrictions. Children and young people are significant contributors to eco-citizenship, but programs that encourage individual action limit their power to act as a cohort.

The role of institutions, programs and policies in developing eco-citizenship

The third theme of this issue is the role of institutions, programs, and policies in educating families and implementing eco-citizenship practices. Policies and programs are being put in place to support eco-citizenship in response to the climate emergency and the seriousness of socio-ecological issues. But to what extent do these initiatives actually bring about social change?

The school system provides an ideal context for promoting awareness and engagement strategies (Huet-Gueye et Rouyer, 2017). What impact do schools have on eco-citizenship practices? Two articles address this issue: one by analyzing “the outdoor school,” an initiative for pre-adolescent students in France (Nemoz), and the other by studying the effectiveness of a green committee (extracurricular) and an Environment and Urban Agriculture program (an optional program integrated into the curriculum) for high school students in Quebec (Grégoire-Labrecque). Grégoire-Labrecque notes that, despite the laudable intentions and efforts made by the school communities in the two Quebec cases studied, the engagement of adolescents in schools is based on a model of commitment that is beyond the reach of these students. Families are often the target of this type of program, and as we pointed out in the previous section, students do not always have the opportunity to influence their families’ practices and lifestyles. For the French case involving younger students (9 to 12 years old), Nemoz concludes that “children’s involvement in outdoor school settings provides them with a chance to interact with the living beings and elements of their surrounding environment, which enhances their teacher’s instruction” (paragraphe 35), but that transforming the practices and lifestyles of families through children is neither a result nor an objective of this school project.

A quantitative study conducted by Glomeron et al. (2017) looked at the respective influence of family and school environments on the eco-actions of French adolescents. The study found that simple energy-saving actions (such as turning off lights or electronic appliances) were more closely linked to family practices, while schools had a limited influence on the environmental actions of adolescents. As explained above, this is also the finding of several other contributions to this issue. However, as Langlois points out in her article, schools can play a role in legitimizing the values and facilitating the practices that parents try to teach their children.

The roles of other institutions are also highlighted in the contributions to this issue. In her study of families with at least one child with a respiratory illness, Loizeau highlights the role of healthcare institutions and teams in influencing certain domestic practices. In response to the recommendations of their healthcare teams, some families adopt environmentally-friendly behaviours (e.g. using vinegar instead of bleach for housecleaning) and state that they changed their ideas about and attitudes towards hygiene. The healthcare sector itself has a significant environmental impact (Marrauld et al ., 2021), which should be taken into account when training professionals in this field. Raising awareness of environmentally-responsible practices could not only encourage best practices in their own working environment, but also have a direct effect on families who receive instructions from healthcare teams. Langloise’s article underscores the role of Crown corporations, such as Hydro-Québec and the provincial government, in removing barriers to certain eco-citizen practices. These include the integration of energy standards into the Construction Code that would lead to more energy-efficient buildings, a goal that is beyond the reach of many tenant families. Eco-citizenship can be promoted through a wide range of institutions and policies, with potential for improvement that is still largely untapped and even less documented.

Avenues for future research

During the preparation of this issue, we identified several avenues of research that have not been explored in the published articles. First, research contexts should be broadened to include regions beyond Quebec and France, which constitute the main areas covered in this issue. Second, it is important to understand how eco-citizen values and practices are transmitted in different cultures, as family dynamics can vary greatly depending on cultural contexts. Third, how do ancestral knowledge, practices and customs work together in the transmission of eco-citizen values within families? Exploring the diverse ways in which eco-citizenship is passed on from the perspective of various cultural and international backgrounds would allow us to develop these concepts globally.

What, if any, are the contexts or issues related to eco-citizenship that transform relationships and sharing within families? How are these relationships of mutual support and sharing articulated in changes to domestic work and lifestyle? In what ways do public discourses (policies to raise awareness of the environment, zero waste, etc.) promote or fail to promote social justice? Social and environmental justice are often neglected, but they are crucial for the ecological transition of our societies (Blanchet-Cohen et Grégoire-Labrecque, 2021). This is particularly evident in the eco-social movements to fight climate change that are often driven by children and adolescents, but that by implication also involve their families.

The role of the news media, digital technology and especially social networks should also be explored in greater depth to better understand their influence on raising awareness and encouraging engagement and the implementation of eco-citizenship within families and by young people. In the 21st century, technology plays as significant a role as environmental concerns in society. Countries seeking to help their citizens find their place in the digital economy could take advantage of the opportunity to implement programs aimed at introducing eco-citizen policies on a state scale, such as reducing the use of fossil fuels or developing and preserving more green spaces.

The scholarly literature has very few articles on how information and communication technologies (ICT), among other technologies, can help individuals and families adopt environmentally responsible behaviours, whether individually or collectively. The few studies that have been published in this area, such as those by Bell et al. (2016) and Sweeney et al. (2014), indicate that social networking platforms, such as Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, Tik Tok and X (formerly Twitter), generally have a positive impact on adopting greener lifestyles. Social media can be a tool for improving environmental awareness and encouraging the reduction of energy consumption at home when used in a family setting. Léger and Martin (2020) confirm these findings, noting the positive effect of email on family discussions. It would be beneficial to gain a better understanding of how social networks are used by families to implement environmental actions. For example, what are the limitations of using these technologies to cultivate a sense of environmental empowerment, particularly in a communal environment such as family?

Given the ever-growing role of digital technology, other avenues of research could be explored to identify the role of this technology in adopting more eco-citizen lifestyles in the family. For example, what impact do modern technological social networking platforms have on environmentally friendly family habits?

The five articles in this issue shed light on the social processes by which eco-citizenship is developed, as well as on the changes that happen within families in response to eco-citizen actions and the questioning of specific individual, consumer or state practices. The study of family and eco-citizenship is a rich field that requires further research. We hope that this issue will encourage further studies on this theme, studies that will contribute to the well-being of present and future generations as well as to the future of our planet.