Abstracts
Summary
This study uses a Delphi analysis to identify significant barriers to the development of sustained and meaningful pressure on the Alberta government to increase the enforcement of its laws regulating the employment of teenagers. In addition to general employment laws (e.g., wage payment, occupational health and safety) that appear to go broadly unenforced, Alberta also appears not to enforce laws specifying the hours during which teens may work, the occupations in which they may work and the job tasks they may perform. The result is wage theft, workplace injury and illegal forms of employment among teens. The seven Delphi panelists—a mixture of academics, trade unionists and staff members in not-for-profit agencies with an interest in employment matters—identify a tight business-government relationship as an important limit on the political opportunities available to insurgents seeking change. Insurgents must also grapple with a framing that minimizes concerns around teen employment, i.e. by framing illegal or injurious work as an educational rite of passage and complaints as whining. Together, these barriers significantly limit the opportunities to pressure the state to enhance enforcement.
Panelists also noted that there is no mobilizing structure in place that teenage workers and their allies can access. Alberta’s labour movement has had limited success organizing the service sector (where most teens are employed). Some panelists suggested leveraging the widespread sexual harassment of female teen workers as a way to access existing networks and resources in feminist and labour organizations. Other panelists argued that focusing on sexual harassment would emphasize individual employers’ misbehaviour and obscure the class-based nature of inadequate enforcement.
Most panelists suggested that highlighting the socially inappropriate nature of the death or serious injury of teen workers would be the best way to destabilize the existing barriers to better enforcement of employment laws. The opportunity to do so is (fortunately) rare and may be difficult to leverage. Indeed, research on high profile occupational fatalities in Canada (e.g., the Westray Mine disaster) suggests that such fatalities do not have a significant effect on state enforcement efforts. In the meantime, advocates such as organized labour and community groups may also work to alter conventional views of teen employment by supporting educational or artistic endeavours that problematize teen employment. This could include identifying the risks and consequences of the non-enforcement of laws regulating the employment of teens (such as injury and wage theft) as well as highlighting the reasons why teen workers warrant the enforcement of their workplace rights by the state.
Keywords:
- Teen,
- employment,
- injury,
- social movement theory,
- Delphi
Résumé
La présente étude a recours à une analyse de type Delphi afin d’identifier les principales barrières au développement de pressions soutenues et sérieuses sur le gouvernement albertain pour qu’il améliore ses lois relatives à l’emploi des jeunes. Actuellement, outre des lois générales en matière d’emploi (par exemple, sur les salaires, la santé et sécurité au travail) — lois qui semblent peu appliquées —, l’Alberta apparaît également peu encline à renforcer ses lois déterminant le nombre d’heures durant lesquels les jeunes peuvent travailler, tout comme les tâches qu’ils peuvent accomplir. Le résultat en est un de « vol » salarial, d’accidents de travail et de formes illégales d’emploi pour les jeunes. Les sept participants au panel Delphi — des représentants provenant du monde académique, du milieu syndical et d’agences à but non lucratif, ayant tous un intérêt pour les questions d’emploi des jeunes —, identifient la relation serrée entre milieux d’affaires et gouvernement comme étant la limite principale aux possibilités politiques de changements. Les réformateurs font également face à un ensemble de préjugés qui minimisent les préoccupations envers le travail des jeunes, préjugés s’appuyant sur l’idée qu’un environnement illégal ou dangereux au travail constitue une sorte de passage initiatique à l’âge adulte. Ensemble, ces barrières limitent significativement les possibilités de faire pression sur l’État afin qu’il légifère pour améliorer la situation.
Les participants ont également noté l’absence de structures de mobilisation auxquelles pourraient avoir accès les jeunes travailleurs et leurs alliés. Le mouvement syndical albertain a, de plus, connu un succès limité dans ses tentatives d’organisation du secteur des services (là où la majorité des jeunes travaillent). Certains participants pensent que la lutte contre les abus sexuels généralisés à l’égard des jeunes travailleuses permettrait d’accéder aux réseaux et à des ressources existantes dans le mouvement féministe et dans les organisations syndicales. D’autres, par contre, sont d’avis que mettre l’emphase sur la lutte contre les abus sexuels ne ferait que cibler les comportements déviants d’employeurs individuels et obscurcirait le fait que la volonté de ne pas renforcer les lois repose sur des intérêts de classe.
La plupart des participants proposent de souligner le caractère socialement inapproprié des blessures sérieuses, voire même de décès, de jeunes travailleurs, ce qui pourrait constituer un moyen important d’ébranler les barrières actuelles à l’égard du renforcement de ces lois. De telles occasions sont plutôt rares et il peut être difficile de capitaliser sur celles-ci. Hors de tout doute, la recherche au Canada sur les professions à haut risque d’accidents mortels démontre que les tragédies (par exemple, le désastre de la Mine Westray) ont peu d’effet significatif sur les efforts des États à renforcer l’application des lois en la matière. Entre-temps, les partisans de réformes, comme les membres d’organisations syndicales et de groupes communautaires, peuvent oeuvrer à modifier la perception conventionnelle à l’égard de l’emploi des jeunes, tout en supportant les efforts provenant des milieux artistiques et de l’éducation qui se préoccupent des conditions de travail des jeunes. Leur analyse pourrait également inclure l’identification des risques et des conséquences de ne pas appliquer les lois régulant le travail des jeunes (comme les blessures et le « vol » salarial), de même que l’élaboration des raisons qui militent en faveur d’un renforcement par l’État des droits des jeunes en milieu de travail.
Mots-clés:
- Jeunes,
- emploi,
- lésions,
- théorie du mouvement social,
- Delphi
Resumen
Este estudio utiliza un análisis Delphi para identificar barreras significativas al desarrollo de una presión sustentada y esclarecida sobre el gobierno de Alberta para aumentar el poder coercitivo de las leyes que regulan el empleo de adolescentes. Además de las leyes generales del empleo (pago de sueldos, salud y seguridad ocupacional) que parecen, en general, en perdida de ejecución, Alberta parece también no hacer respetar las leyes que especifican las horas y las ocupaciones aplicables al trabajo de adolescentes así como el tipo de trabajo que ellos pueden efectuar. El resultado es un robo de sueldos de adolescentes, numerosas heridas en el lugar de trabajo y formas de empleo ilegales. Los siete panelistas de Delphi — compuesto de académicos, sindicalistas y miembros de agencias con fines no lucrativas interesados en los problemas del empleo — identifican la estrecha relación entre el gobierno y las empresas como un límite importante a las oportunidades disponibles para aquellos que buscan un cambio. Los militantes deben también luchar contra el estratagema que minimiza los problemas en torno al empleo de adolescentes, el estratagema que considera el trabajo ilegal o arriesgado como un rito de pasaje, y aquellos que se quejan como llorones. En su conjunto, estas barreras limitan significativamente las oportunidades de presión sobre el estado para mejorar la aplicación de la ley.
Los panelistas notaron también que no hay estructura de movilización a la cual puedan tener acceso los adolescentes trabajadores y sus aliados. El movimiento laboral de Alberta ha tenido éxito limitado en la organización del sector servicios (que emplea la mayoría de adolescentes). Algunos panelistas sugieren utilizar como palanca el casi-generalizado acoso sexual de trabajadoras adolescentes como un medio de acceso a las redes y recursos existentes de las organizaciones laborales y feministas. Otros panelistas piensan que focalizar en el acoso sexual podría focalizar el mal comportamiento individual de los empleadores ocultando la naturaleza de clase de la aplicación inadecuada de la ley. La mayoría de panelistas sugieren que el deceso o las lesiones graves de adolescentes trabajadores (tan tristes que pueden ser) podrían ofrecer oportunidades importantes para desestabilizar las barreras existentes para el reforzamiento adicional de las leyes sobre el empleo. Tales oportunidades son (afortunadamente) raras y puede ser difícil de capitalizar sobre ellas. La investigación sobre las muertes de alto perfil en el trabajo en Canadá (por ejemplo, el desastre de la Mina Westray) sugiere que éstas no tienen un efecto significativo en los esfuerzos de aplicación del estado. Mientras tanto, los defensores como los grupos laborales y comunitarios organizados también pueden trabajar para modificar la visión convencional del empleo adolescente apoyando los esfuerzos educativos o artísticos que cuestionan el empleo juvenil. Esto puede incluir la identificación de riesgos y consecuencias del incumplimiento de las leyes que regulan el empleo adolescente (tales como las lesiones y el robo de sueldos) y la explicación de las razones por las cuales el estado debería asegurar el respeto de los derechos de los trabajadores adolescentes en el lugar de trabajo.
Palabras claves:
- Adolescentes,
- empleo,
- lesiones,
- teoría de movimiento social,
- Delphi
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Appendices
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