Harnessing Labour Confrontation: Shaping the Postwar Settlement in Canada, 1943-1950 by Peter McInnis, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002, 258 pp., ISBN 0-8020-3563-9.

In Harnessing Labour Confrontation, Peter McInnis takes the reader back, once again, to the pivotal years at the close of the Second World War when so much of Canada’s industrial relations regime was shaped. He resurveys old ground, but does so with a wealth of research material that encourages the reader to reconsider popular assumptions about the era. While he introduces his book as a study in industrial legality, it is, in fact, a much broader look at the forces that interacted during Canada’s conversion from war to peacetime production, showing once again why industrial relations can only be fully understood in terms of political economy. McInnis documents the debate about Canada’s future that took place during the eight years between the strike wave of 1942-3 and the back-to-work legislation of 1950. He employs the concept of “orderly decontrol,” showing how those in power relinquished a measure of control in order to remain in control with a regime that brought historically antagonistic forces of labour, capital and the state together in the interest of conflict resolution and productivity. He reconfirms that working people truly believed the end of the War would bring a new world in which their collective sacrifice would be rewarded by peace, prosperity and democracy. The buoyancy of the labour market and growth of the labour movement during the War are nicely contrasted to the postwar crisis, as war-related jobs ended, and workers left the armed services, creating a huge reserve army of labour. Women, in particular, experienced the negative effects. He describes labour’s vision for Canada’s as one based on industrial democracy, extending all the way from the workplace to the top levels of a state, which was itself modeled on the powerful administrative machine that intervened in all aspects of society during the War. Labour’s experts would work with federal and corporate experts in government and tripartite councils to achieve centralized control, with master contracts and “pattern bargaining.” For a while, the idea of an expanded (though subordinate) role for labour through mature, well-administered, responsible organizations looked possible, but the moment soon passed. By the time the Liberals won the 1945 election, McInnis shows it was clear that “North America had been saved for capitalism,” and the time “for flattery of labour” had passed. From that time, labour won hardly a single concession, as industrialists reasserted their prerogative over the workplace, and put an end to government’s “collectivist meddling.” Such postwar policies as C.D. Howe’s “double depreciation” allowances, allowed corporations to rebuild their manufacturing facilities at public expense, while workers were treated to wage controls and lectures about the need to look beyond their “short term interest.” The reader is left with the conclusion that there was very little of a “compromise” in the “Postwar Settlement.” The manipulative genius of W. L. M. King and his cronies, and in particular, the vision of “teamwork” and “co-partnership” elaborated in his 1948 treatise, Industry and Humanity was vigorously promoted through wartime labour-management committees, “suggestion plans,” government boards, publications, and the National Film Board. McInnis’ chronology of legislation leading to P.C. 1003 in 1943 and the Industrial Relations Disputes and Investigation Act (IRDIA) of 1948 details the emergence of an industrial legality based on the assumption that labour and capital shared a basic equality of economic power, and that class conflict could be assuaged by “antagonistic cooperation.” It entrenched the obligation of recognition and collective bargaining on employers, balanced by a peace obligation on the union, and these combined with the chilly hand of the Cold War to serve their purpose. Strike activity dropped dramatically, as the …