Documents found
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12.More information
Beginning just before WW1 and continuing into the postwar period, the Canadian Manufacturers' Association mounted a campaign to sell Canadian consumers on the virtues of buying “Made in Canada” goods. Not simply an appeal to patriotism, this campaign had to convince Canadian consumers of the satisfactory quality of such goods — which manufacturers had to deliver the substance of — in an increasingly sophisticated retail and marketing environment. Such an encouragement of the demand side of the producer/consumer equation is an important example of the proactive stance taken by Canadian manufacturers in the early twentieth century to improve their own viability and success. This paper examines the “Made in Canada” campaign as part of a range of business strategies that also included support for scientific industrial research, technical standardization, and vocational education, alongside more traditional anti-competitive policies. The scope of these strategies suggests that the impact of the Second Industrial Revolution was being fully felt in Canada and business leaders recognized the implications of a new political economy in which an unimaginative defence of the protective tariff was no longer adequate.
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The Government of Canada has to consult with indigenous people when it creates protected areas on native territory. However this consultation is the result of both several decisions made by the Supreme Court of Canada and of territorial agreements signed with indigenous nations. As a result, the Government of Canada has to include indigenous people in the governing bodies of the protected areas it creates. This article analyzes master plans of National Parks of Canada located in circumpolar region. It studies how Parks Canada settles its obligations. It is looking at effective participation of indigenous people in the governing bodies of protected areas and reasons invoked by those asking to be involved.
Keywords: Parcs Canada, gouvernance, circumpolaire, Premières Nations, aires protégées, Parks Canada, governance, circumpolar, First Nations, protected areas
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Given that English Canada is not an identity articulated through a nation-state, it fails to anchor other identities as «within» itself such that they often seem to be the identity «of» English Canada itself. The failure of the container metaphor, or more exactly its reversibility, is the defining problem for contemporary English Canadian identity. A hegemonic identity defines a universal that fixes the place of particular identities. In times of crisis, this unproblematic relation between particular and universal becomes unsettled. Thus, identities generate new relationships without becoming fixed. The essay argues that English Canadian identity is a «constitutive paradox» insofar as its existence depends upon the identities that purportedly exist within it, not only as providing the content, but for the very existence of the identity of English Canada itself. The very idea of a self-conscious cultural identity in English Canada is precarious and can only be developed insofar as the legacy of Left-nationalism can be both preserved and transformed to address critically the forces of globalization.
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Abstract : The research question for this article is straightforward: when an issue of particular importance for the United States arises in an international forum, does Canada vote with or against the American position? Canada is strongly dependant of the United States at the military and economic level. Does that situation leave no choice to Canada but to vote with the us government in multilateral organizations? The selected cases are the Cuban embargo, the Israeli Palestinian conflict, the anti-personnel mines, the death penalty, the International Criminal Court, the Convention on cultural diversity, and the Kyoto Protocol. The conclusion of this research is that Canada votes much more often with its European allies members of the G8 than with the American government.
Keywords: relations Canada–États-Unis, relations transatlantiques, hégémonie, Canadian-us relations, transatlantic relations, hegemony
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In 1970, Canada decided to develop its relations with Latin America, especially in the economic sector. Adhesion to the Interamerican Bank of Development and the status of observator in the Organisation of American States was a good institutional basis for increasing these relations. However, the absence of objectives on refugee and immigration questions prevented adoption of a clear policy towards Chilian and Haitian refugees. Generally Canada had met the 1970 objectives. Trade increased substantially, partly as a result of Canadian policies, but also because of the development of the main countries: Brazil, Mexico and Venezuela and the increase in oil prices. It could be more important if vigourous policies were implemented. Canada has important investments in Latin America, especially in Brazil. In percentage of total Canadian aid, aid to Latin America declined from 1970. Relations with Latin America will increase during the 1980's, but they would be more important if Canada adopted a more coherent policy.
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Les relations économiques entre le Canada et le Mexique dans un contexte d'intégration en profondeur
More informationThe new Canadian-Mexican proximity since NAFTA is not only visible on a commercial basis, but also on a political basis. And everything indicates that bilateral, economic, cultural and, above all, diplomatic relations between these two countries will continue to expand and increase in the future. However, even if in a short period of time these relations had seen, from the Canadian government's perspective, "spectacular" developments, relations between Canada and Mexico will always remain secondary to those that these two countries have separately with their powerful and hegemonic neighbour. Another important issue is that bilateral economic relations between Canada and Mexico are to be seen in the context of a « deep integration » process in the Americas, a framework in which integrative dynamism comes more from corporations than governments. Authors examine bilateral relations between Canada and Mexico from a historical perspective in the first part of the text, and from an economic view in the second. Two conclusions come out of this study. First of all, with regards to commercial and strategic Canadian government objectives, results are quite weak and do not quite reach their expectations. Second, Mexico, so far, has benefited more from this new partnership than Canada, a result that questions the strategy adopted by the Canadian government to assert its values and interests in the Americas.